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Standards

Parliament Says Farage Does Not Have to List Assets Owned by His Company

By opengovt
5 July 2026

A Times investigation has identified more than £4 million of residential property owned by Nigel Farage, his company and his partner Laure Ferrari.

Only two residential properties appear in Farage's Register of Members' Financial Interests.

That sounds, at first, like a question about whether Farage has declared everything he should.

Parliament has already considered almost exactly that question.

Last year the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards investigated Farage after he publicly said he owned a commercial fishing boat. The boat did not appear separately in his register.

Farage explained that it belonged to Thorn In The Side Ltd, a company he controlled and whose shareholding and directorship he had declared.

The Commissioner asked the Registrar of Members' Financial Interests whether assets owned by that company should themselves be registered.

The answer was explicit:

"The rules do not require Members to register assets wholly owned by a company of which they are a shareholder."

The Registrar added that Farage's position as sole director and sole shareholder did not change that advice. The Commissioner therefore concluded that the fishing boat was an asset of the company rather than Farage personally and did not uphold the complaint.

That ruling matters more to the current property story than the value of Farage's houses.

Farage's parliamentary register lists one residential property in Tandridge and another in Folkestone and Hythe. It separately records his shareholding and unpaid directorship in Thorn In The Side Ltd.

Companies House records Farage as the person with significant control of Thorn In The Side, owning at least 75 per cent of its shares.

According to The Times, the company owns two properties on the Kent coast. One is reflected in Farage's property declarations and the other is not. Farage told the newspaper that the second did not need separate registration because it was owned by the company. He said the other had been declared out of an "abundance of caution".

On the evidence available, describing the undeclared company property as a hidden house would go too far.

Parliament's own Registrar has already said that company assets do not have to be individually registered simply because an MP owns the company.

The rules instead divide the information.

Land and property personally owned or held by an MP is registrable once it passes the relevant thresholds, subject to exemptions for personal residential use. Shareholdings are registered separately when they exceed 15 per cent of a company or meet the alternative value test.

That creates a real disclosure gap.

A voter looking at Farage's parliamentary entry can see that he controls Thorn In The Side.

They cannot see from that entry what property the company owns.

The same issue has already arisen with another asset inside the company. Farage publicly described the fishing vessel as something he owned. Parliament nevertheless treated the vessel itself as belonging to the company and therefore outside the requirement for separate registration.

The Register is not supposed to be a complete inventory of an MP's wealth.

Its stated purpose is to disclose financial interests and material benefits which could reasonably be thought to influence an MP's actions, speeches or votes.

There are good reasons not to require MPs to list every asset held by every business in which they own shares. A trading company could own vehicles, equipment, intellectual property and hundreds of other assets.

Property is different in one important respect. It can represent a very large store of wealth while remaining one corporate layer removed from the parliamentary register.

That does not mean Farage has broken the rules.

It means the rules can produce a register that is accurate without being particularly revealing.

Farage does have a proven record of failing to meet Parliament's registration deadlines.

In January, Standards Commissioner Daniel Greenberg concluded that Farage had breached Rule 5 of the MPs' Code 17 times by registering interests late.

The entries listed in the Commissioner's decision total £384,064.75.

Greenberg described the number of breaches and the value of some of the interests as sufficiently serious that using Parliament's rectification process was a "finely balanced decision". But he accepted Farage's explanation that the failures resulted from staffing and administrative problems and concluded that they were inadvertent.

Farage accepted responsibility, apologised and introduced new procedures for handling declarations.

Seventeen late registrations are 17 breaches of the rules. They are not a finding that Farage deliberately concealed his financial interests.

A different Rule 5 investigation remains unresolved.

The Parliamentary Commissioner opened an inquiry on 13 May 2026 into an alleged failure by Farage to register an interest. Parliament publishes the rule being investigated but does not disclose the evidence or detailed allegation while an inquiry is active.

Contemporaneous reporting has linked that inquiry to a £5 million gift from Christopher Harborne, received before Farage became an MP.

Farage has argued that the money did not require registration. His explanations have included that it was intended for his security and, later, that he regarded it as a reward for his Brexit campaigning. The Commissioner has made no finding.

The Clacton house is another issue that needs separating from the registration rules.

Farage publicly said in 2024 that he had bought a home in the constituency. Land Registry reporting later established that the £885,000 property belonged solely to Ferrari.

Farage subsequently acknowledged that he had been wrong to describe himself as the buyer and said the money and property were Ferrari's. He has denied giving or lending her the purchase money.

That does not turn Ferrari's house into Farage's property for the purposes of parliamentary registration.

It does show why precision about ownership matters.

The Times investigation has exposed something worth scrutinising, but the evidence points somewhere slightly different from a straightforward scandal over undeclared property.

Farage registers his controlling interest in Thorn In The Side. Parliament has previously investigated an undeclared asset held inside that same company and ruled that the asset did not itself have to appear in his register.

The Registrar went further: even being the company's sole shareholder and director did not alter that conclusion.

If the same rule applies to its residential property, the absence of those assets from Farage's personal property declarations is not evidence that he has evaded the rules.

It is evidence of what the rules leave out.