Constitutional reform is the argument about the rules of the game itself: how Parliament works, how power is held to account, and whether the system that produces British governments is fit for purpose. It covers the voting system and the case for proportional representation, reform of the House of Lords, devolution, the standards regime that governs MPs’ conduct and outside interests, and the mechanisms by which the public can remove those who fail them. Unlike most policy areas it has no single department behind it, but it shapes everything else, because it decides who gets to decide.
By written questions tabled to the department this Parliament.
1. Mike Wood Conservative2,0152. Rt Hon Richard Holden Conservative7753. Rt Hon John Glen Conservative4794. Charlie Dewhirst Conservative2855. Alex Burghart Conservative266The MPs who broke the rules, the law or the trust of their constituents, and are still in the Commons. Compiled from Standards Committee findings, criminal records, registered interests disputes and published investigations. Each entry independently fact checked.
Twenty politicians who turned public office into private income, some after leaving government, some while still serving. A few broke the rules. Many did not. The pattern is the point: a system built to protect the appearance of propriety more than propriety itself, where former power is converted into private leverage and then wrapped in technical compliance. From Cameron's Greensill texts to Hancock's jungle paycheque, regulators had few tools to stop what followed.
Different parties, different governments, different slogans, and yet the same people keep appearing. The revolving door rarely involves breaking the law. What these twenty cases raise, one by one, is whether public influence is being turned into private income.
Politicians have always made mistakes. What feels different now is that nobody seems responsible when it happens, and once power stops carrying consequences, the public stops respecting power.
The scandals that destroyed careers, toppled governments and shattered public trust.
The Commons average voting participation this Parliament is just under 70 percent, across the 558 divisions held up to 30 June 2026. The MPs below are well under it. Some have reasons. Some do not.